The 1989 Saudi-backed Taëf agreement that ended the Lebanese civil war has laid grounds to the so-called troika, the ruling power of the three largest sects in the country: the Sunni, Shiite and Maronite.However, the Troika had a fourth leader represented by the Druze leader Walid Jumblatt, an heir of political power that granted him the privilege of leading the Druze sect.After the assassination of the martyr president Rafic Hariri four years ago, Jumblatt was one of the leaders opposing the Syrian tutelage that still has some influence in the country until today.The reason for displaying Walid Jumblatt’s role, post and prior the Taëf agreement, post and prior the assassination of President Rafic Hariri, is because this leader represents a small population with limited resources in Lebanon, even though, he is almost the hard-headed leader in the “equation”.No doubt, the Druze leader is very intelligent, the analysts and politicians observe his political expectations in order to test the political winds affecting the country every now and then. Regardless of his positions and alliances, he has proven to be one of the Lebanese political pillars that cannot be ignored.Avoiding to mention the man’s positions and alliances does not mean any opposition on our part, but is related to what this article intends to clarify. The role of the Druze led by Walid Jumblatt in the internal Lebanese equation has granted the community a key position in the political arena.Jumblatt heads a secular party in terms of principles and aspirations, and has been for a long time in alliance with leftist parties, that established some of the Lebanese political transformations in the last century. However, the Druze leader did not cross the sectarian boundaries that rule the Lebanese from the cradle to the grave. In this article, we are not going to discuss the shortcomings of the sectarian system and the virtues of secularism, because in a country like Lebanon, one does not stop searching for places where secular people are born and living, without finding any.It is not a secret that the country is governed by its sectarian structure, although it is a constraint on developing the democratic country, but it has prevented it from being swallowed by greedy neighboring countries whether it is Syria, Iran or Israel.The obvious question is, what makes the Druze leader Walid Jumblatt have a reputable importance on the Lebanese political scene, although he leads a small sect that has almost no general project affecting the Lebanese, as the proposed Shiite project calling for unconditional Resistance, or the Sunni project calling to link the country to modernization unconditionally?The fact is that Walid Jumblatt is acting in a delicate area, but he always watches out where he steps without betraying his nationality as a Lebanese, which he bases his alliances on. The Lebanese have no project to manage the Arab world, or seek any land in Huran (Syria) or the Galilee (Israel), and the Druze political thinking does not stop identifying this matter as a decisive factor. The Druze leadership stance has always been attributed to the country’s role, supporting any position that falls in Lebanon’s interest regardless of the differences with its ideological identity. When the international and Arab “winds” fall in the interest of one side or another, the Druze leadership adopts the side that protects Lebanon. In summary, the Druze leadership is aware that a unified Lebanon is unable to resist, but it will in fact be an easy prey for the monsters surrounding it. Although the Druze leader does not have a general project for Lebanon, but he can well distinguish between good and bad projects. In fact, if a certain Lebanese category or sect possesses a project that surpasses its capabilities, this is not related to the sect’s potentials alone, but is often based on foreign alliances, that we all know about.There are two huge projects in the country at present, and the next elections may be decisive in determining Lebanon’s destiny over the next coming years: the project of the Resistance and opposition led by Hezbollah, and the project of linking the country to modernization and the world led by the “Future Movement”. Regardless of the nature of each project and its potentials, they did not prevent the Druze leader from standing out as one of the original political leaders, although he leads a small sect if compared to other major ones in this area.Only Michel Aoun did not know the rules of the game. At a time the outside alliances flourished, it does not seem that entailment to Syria is useful regardless of its benefit to the country. General Aoun is always searching to consolidate the role of the Maronites, but he is actually looking in the wrong direction. Outside alliances must not flourish hazardously, to be able to enhance the role of the sect and hold its national responsibilities. Aoun actually is missing out on his Lebanism, because Lebanism is not a case of nervousness, screaming and challenge, contrary to that, it has a specific role of uniting the Lebanese not separate them. The ambitious maronite General aspiring to monopolize political representation of his sect, has become a major part in the internal conflict more than a player capable of uniting the Lebanese on common grounds.It is most probable that the Aouni tension from the centrist bloc is related to this reason, since the leaders of the movement realize that such a bloc that has expressed itself politically through the President of the republic, may be the beginning of restoring the role of the Maronites and derive their strength from their Lebanism, and does not go beg for hazardous outside alliances. The return of the Maronite role begins in Mount Lebanon, its north, south, bekaa and capital. It has never started from outside capitals as the General perceives.
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